May 25 is here once again. It is a day of days, a holiday, yet there are some people who want to remove its aspect of holiness.
It is a day of joy and for recalling the victory and it is the hope for a new victory.
It overlooks the villages that are still trying to awaken from the dream of freedom and find themselves wearing the costume of dignity, shaded by the resistance as a shield, and living independence as a certain reality in spite of the numerous skeptics.
It supervises the houses, among which numerous homes were destroyed and ruined. Suddenly, they were fortified against the invader, fenced by the eyelashes of the heroes who know no submission.
These heroes do not give attention to those who distort the history; hence, they try to write it according to the measurement of their advancing steps, within the shade of the expanding awesomeness of the freedom fighters. They will never be stopped by those who call for "neutrality" regarding the battle of self-defense; a battle that will never end as long as the enemy keeps kindling its aggression, stabilizing its occupation, cuffing the captives, and planting the "mines" deeply in our soil, air, policies and future.
This is the anniversary that returns in order to be celebrated not as an obligation or to evade blame. Instead, celebrating the anniversary maintains the meanings that revived the nation, and brought hope for the liberation of each piece of land after it was revealed that the liberation of a part is a preface for the liberation of all; and that he who can rout the enemy from one span of land can rout it from the entire land.
Happy Eid; the liberation will be accomplished God willing; the resistance will continue until all aims are achieved.
Lebanonway طريق لبنان weblog about current events in Lebanon and the Middle East
السبت، مايو 27، 2006
الأربعاء، مايو 24، 2006
عيدالانتصار
إنه الخامس والعشرون من أيار مرة أخرى
هو عيد، بالرغم من الذين يريدون أن يسلبوا عنه صفة العيد.
هو يوم فرح واستذكار للانتصار وأمل بنصر جديد.
يطل على القرى التي ما زالت تحاول الاستيقاظ من حلم الحرية، لتجد نفسها وقد تسربلت العز لباساً، واستظلت المقاومة متراساً، وعاشت الاستقلال واقعاً لا شك فيه، بالرغم من كثرة الشكّاكين.
يطل على البيوت التي دُمر منها الكثير، واستبيح الكثير، فإذا بها اليوم محصّنة في وجه الغازي، مسوّرة برموش أبطال لا يعرفون الاستكانة.
أبطال لا يلتفتون إلى العابثين بالتاريخ، يحاولون رسمه على قياس قاماتهم الواطئة، في ظل امتداد هامات المجاهدين، ولا يتوقفون عند داعين إلى "حياد" في معركة دفاع عن النفس لا تنتهي ما دام العدو يعمل على تسعير عدوانه، وتثبيت احتلاله وتكبيل الأسرى وزرع "الألغام" عميقاً في ترابنا وفي هوائنا وفي سياستنا وفي مستقبلنا.
هي الذكرى إذاً، تعود لا لنحييها قياماً بالواجب ورفعاً للعتب، وإنما لأن في إحياء الذكرى إبقاءً لمعانيها التي أحيت الأمة، وزرعت الأمل بتحرير كل الأرض بعد أن تبين أن تحرير الجزء هو تمهيد لتحرير الكل، وأن الذي يستطيع أن يدحر العدو من شبر من الأرض يمكنه أن يخرجه من كل الأرض.
عيد مبارك، تحرير يُستكمل إن شاء الله، ومقاومة مستمرة حتى تحقيق كل الأهداف.
محمود ريا
هو عيد، بالرغم من الذين يريدون أن يسلبوا عنه صفة العيد.
هو يوم فرح واستذكار للانتصار وأمل بنصر جديد.
يطل على القرى التي ما زالت تحاول الاستيقاظ من حلم الحرية، لتجد نفسها وقد تسربلت العز لباساً، واستظلت المقاومة متراساً، وعاشت الاستقلال واقعاً لا شك فيه، بالرغم من كثرة الشكّاكين.
يطل على البيوت التي دُمر منها الكثير، واستبيح الكثير، فإذا بها اليوم محصّنة في وجه الغازي، مسوّرة برموش أبطال لا يعرفون الاستكانة.
أبطال لا يلتفتون إلى العابثين بالتاريخ، يحاولون رسمه على قياس قاماتهم الواطئة، في ظل امتداد هامات المجاهدين، ولا يتوقفون عند داعين إلى "حياد" في معركة دفاع عن النفس لا تنتهي ما دام العدو يعمل على تسعير عدوانه، وتثبيت احتلاله وتكبيل الأسرى وزرع "الألغام" عميقاً في ترابنا وفي هوائنا وفي سياستنا وفي مستقبلنا.
هي الذكرى إذاً، تعود لا لنحييها قياماً بالواجب ورفعاً للعتب، وإنما لأن في إحياء الذكرى إبقاءً لمعانيها التي أحيت الأمة، وزرعت الأمل بتحرير كل الأرض بعد أن تبين أن تحرير الجزء هو تمهيد لتحرير الكل، وأن الذي يستطيع أن يدحر العدو من شبر من الأرض يمكنه أن يخرجه من كل الأرض.
عيد مبارك، تحرير يُستكمل إن شاء الله، ومقاومة مستمرة حتى تحقيق كل الأهداف.
محمود ريا
السبت، مايو 20، 2006
The wide smile of the general
The cramped office, which forms the general's "special operating room", did not obstruct the emergence of the great welcoming that began with an ironic reading of a bulletin that targeted his orange current. It ended with a "sudden" conversation on the "Orange TV" in the current's station, the birth of which is supposed to take place by the end of this year.
Perhaps the numerous maps hanging on the wall of the office suggest that the "operating room" has moved from Yarze to Rabye. However, the law books in the three languages, Arabic, English and French, occupying their prominent place at the forefront of the office explain that what the general reads nowadays does not relate to war or military tactics. Instead, they are books on politics, constitution, and the laws that organize the public life in Lebanon.
The meeting that was continuously associated with spontaneity for one and a half hours was vivid and rich, lacking any sudden reactions or provocations. Perhaps, this is because the general was relaxed, as he knows what he wants. And although the obstacles are to a great extent blocking his way to achieving his aims, yet this issue does not cause him much harm. This is because that which he seeks, he seeks not for himself. Instead, he is after an awakening, for which he sees that the time has come in the country that can no longer tolerate exploitation in the market of the international suzerainties.
For this reason, he can see that which differentiates him from "others", briefly differentiating between he who wants this country to be overwhelmed by the values of the homeland and citizen, and he "the other" who wants the relationship to remain as a relation of a company with its customers-- "There is a great difference between the two relationships."
The wide smile of the general can be sensed when he talks about the understanding which he signed with "Sayyed Hassan", as he often named him during the meeting. For instance, this understanding eliminated any possibility for Lebanon's return backwards and finally eliminated the possible occurrence of any sedition in Lebanon. It also created a stability that is based on the principle of everyone accepting everyone as well as set the rules from which the dialogue convention could not deviate. Hence, although modified on some occasions, they were embraced at more than one location and they pertained to more than one cause.
Why should he not smile?-while "we represent 80% of the Lebanese people across 80% of the Lebanese soil," and while "we have penetrated the sectarian barrier -The general said-."
The general has a lot to say about the majority and minority, about the Constitutional Council and contestations, about relations with Syria regarding which he maintained his attitude over the past years whereas "the others were the ones who changed their attitudes."
What if the "third general" reaches Baabda? What will change?
The reforms, the reforms which the Lebanese seek will be achieved. The general says, "There may exist a difficult stage, but it will be limited in time after which relief will come to light."
Mahmoud Raya
Perhaps the numerous maps hanging on the wall of the office suggest that the "operating room" has moved from Yarze to Rabye. However, the law books in the three languages, Arabic, English and French, occupying their prominent place at the forefront of the office explain that what the general reads nowadays does not relate to war or military tactics. Instead, they are books on politics, constitution, and the laws that organize the public life in Lebanon.
The meeting that was continuously associated with spontaneity for one and a half hours was vivid and rich, lacking any sudden reactions or provocations. Perhaps, this is because the general was relaxed, as he knows what he wants. And although the obstacles are to a great extent blocking his way to achieving his aims, yet this issue does not cause him much harm. This is because that which he seeks, he seeks not for himself. Instead, he is after an awakening, for which he sees that the time has come in the country that can no longer tolerate exploitation in the market of the international suzerainties.
For this reason, he can see that which differentiates him from "others", briefly differentiating between he who wants this country to be overwhelmed by the values of the homeland and citizen, and he "the other" who wants the relationship to remain as a relation of a company with its customers-- "There is a great difference between the two relationships."
The wide smile of the general can be sensed when he talks about the understanding which he signed with "Sayyed Hassan", as he often named him during the meeting. For instance, this understanding eliminated any possibility for Lebanon's return backwards and finally eliminated the possible occurrence of any sedition in Lebanon. It also created a stability that is based on the principle of everyone accepting everyone as well as set the rules from which the dialogue convention could not deviate. Hence, although modified on some occasions, they were embraced at more than one location and they pertained to more than one cause.
Why should he not smile?-while "we represent 80% of the Lebanese people across 80% of the Lebanese soil," and while "we have penetrated the sectarian barrier -The general said-."
The general has a lot to say about the majority and minority, about the Constitutional Council and contestations, about relations with Syria regarding which he maintained his attitude over the past years whereas "the others were the ones who changed their attitudes."
What if the "third general" reaches Baabda? What will change?
The reforms, the reforms which the Lebanese seek will be achieved. The general says, "There may exist a difficult stage, but it will be limited in time after which relief will come to light."
Mahmoud Raya
السبت، مايو 13، 2006
البولتونيون الجدد
"إن تعيينه.. يشبه تعيين مولع بالحرائق للإشراف على معمل للمفرقعات".
أطلق وزير الخارجية الأميركي السابق كولن باول هذه الكلمات لوصف جون بولتون، عندما اختاره الرئيس الأميركي ـ دون إرادة الكونغرس حتى ـ ليسلمه منصب مندوب الولايات المتحدة في الأمم المتحدة، أي الهيئة الأعلى في العالم التي ينبغي لها أن تفرض السلام والأمن الدوليين.
بولتون هذا، الذي يحرق "الأخضر واليابس" أينما حلّ وارتحل، والذي يجاهر حتى الثمالة في ولائه لـ"إسرائيل"، هو موضع تكريم اليوم.
طبعاً من يكرّمه ليس آرييل شارون (المقبور وهو لا يزال فوق التراب)، ولا بنيامين ناتانياهو وناتان شارنسكي.
من يكرّمه ليس غلاة المحافظين الجدد في الولايات المتحدة، الذين يعدّ واحداً من أوقح الصقور بينهم.
يكرّمه اليوم "سياديو لبنان" الجدد، على اختلاف أشتاتهم وتنوع انتماءاتهم الطائفية السياسية.
ولماذا تكريم جون بولتون دون غيره، يا "سياديي لبنان"؟
لأنه يقود معركة "استقلال لبنان" بكل فعالية من موقعه في مجلس الأمن الدولي.
وكيف يترجم هذه القيادة؟
.. بالمزيد والمزيد من الضغوط والتهديدات للبنانيين وللسوريين وللعرب أجمعين.
ويظنون.. أن هذه الضغوط كرمى لعيونهم!
يا لغبائهم، كي لا نقول يا لخساسة تآمرهم.
.. البولتونيون الجدد هم مصيبة لبنان، كما هم مصيبة أميركا نفسها.. فاحذروهم.
محمود ريا
الجمعة، مايو 12، 2006
لقاء مع الجنرال
لم يمنع ضيق المكتب الذي يشكل "غرفة العمليات الخاصة" بالجنرال ميشال عون من إظهار مساحة الترحيب الكبيرة التي بدأت بقراءة تهكمية لمنشور يستهدف تياره البرتقالي، وانتهت بحديث "على الواقف" عن "الأورانج تي في" محطة التيار التي يفترض أن تشهد ولادتها حركة عملية مع نهاية هذا العام.
ربما توحي الخرائط الكثيرة على جدران المكتب بأن "غرفة العمليات" انتقلت من اليرزة إلى الرابية، ولكن كتب القانون باللغات الثلاث، العربية والفرنسية والإنكليزية، التي أخذت مكانها البارز في صدر المكتب تدل على أن ما يقرأه الجنرال اليوم ليس كتب الحرب والتكتيك العسكري، وإنما كتب السياسة والدستور والقانون الناظمة للحياة العامة في لبنان.
اللقاء الذي لم تفارقه العفوية على مدى ساعة ونصف، كان غزيراً حيوياً، دون انفعال أو استفزاز، ربما لأن الجنرال مرتاح، وهو يعرف ماذا يريد، وإذا كانت العوائق كبيرة أمام تحقيق أهدافه، فهذا لا يضيره كثيراً، لأن ما يهدف إليه لا يريده لنفسه، وإنما من أجل القيام بنهضة يرى أنه حان وقتها في هذا البلد الذي لم يعد يحتمل المتاجرة به في سوق الوصايات الدولية.
من أجل ذلك يرى الفرق بينه وبين "غيره" ملخصاً باختلاف بين من يريد في هذا البلد أن تسود قيم الوطن والمواطن، فيما يرى أن هذا "الغير" يريد أن تبقى العلاقة علاقة شركة وزبائن، وشتّان بين هذين النوعين من العلاقات.
البسمة الأكبر عند الجنرال تتلمسها عندما يتحدث عن التفاهم الذي وقعه مع "السيد حسن" كما سمّاه أكثر من مرة في اللقاء، إذ أن هذا التفاهم ألغى أي إمكانية لعودة لبنان إلى الوراء، وألغى بشكل نهائي إمكانية حصول أي فتنة في لبنان، وخلق استقراراً يقوم على مبدأ قبول الجميع بالجميع وأرسى قواعد لم يستطع مؤتمر الحوار أن يخرج عنها، فتبناها ولو معدّلة في أكثر من مكان وحول أكثر من قضية.
ولماذا لا يبتسم، طالما "أننا نمثل ثمانين بالمئة من الشعب اللبناني بامتداد على ثمانين بالمئة من الأرض اللبنانية؟"، وطالما "أننا اخترقنا الحاجز الطائفي؟".
لدى الجنرال حديث كثير عن الأكثرية والأقلية، وعن المجلس الدستوري والطعون، وعن العلاقات مع سوريا التي ثبت في موقفه منها على مدى السنوات فيما "الآخرون هم الذين غيّروا مواقفهم"،
ماذا لو وصل "الجنرال الثالث" إلى بعبدا، وماذا سيتغير؟
الإصلاح، سيتحقق الإصلاح الذي يريده اللبنانيون، قد تكون هناك مرحلة صعبة، ولكنها مرحلة محدودة بوقت، وبعدها يكون.. الفرج.
محمود ريا
الاثنين، مايو 08، 2006
Bush's castle
What kind of dreams force the Americans to place their capital in a deal that can only lose regardless of time?
The $592 millions may be insignificant compared to the billions which Washington lost in its war on Iraq. Yet, wasting this amount of money in order to build "the largest US embassy in the world" remains tainted with silliness next to the US administration's attempt to provide evidence that the building which it is constructing in the capital city of Iraq, Baghdad, will be of true and complete use in the years to come .
The Americans are preparing this building to represent the center or the real regime for Iraq in the future. Therefore, they are implementing all methods that may contribute to rendering it a serviceable and entertaining center with a level that must fit the rulers of a large country like Iraq. A similar situation occurred when Saddam built his many palaces scattered throughout the different regions, which became floating dust, scattered after his collapse. Then, he was satisfied with a small cell, the walls of which may cave in further and further to turn into nothing but a mere grave.
Today, the Americans are ambitious and seek to make their presence on the Iraqi land immortal as Saddam did earlier, becoming the immortal leader of that country even if he had to crush the skulls of his own people.
Saddam has collapsed and the Americans will not remain. All that they can gain in the future is a simple apartment where a mission that administers the American interests can reside in the embassy of a neutral country in Baghdad, exactly as happened 28 years ago in Tehran.
On the other hand, the embassy, or "Bush's castle" as the Iraqis like to call it, symbolizes the occupation at present. In the future, it will symbolize nothing but the American defeat in this part of the world.
Mahmoud Raya
The $592 millions may be insignificant compared to the billions which Washington lost in its war on Iraq. Yet, wasting this amount of money in order to build "the largest US embassy in the world" remains tainted with silliness next to the US administration's attempt to provide evidence that the building which it is constructing in the capital city of Iraq, Baghdad, will be of true and complete use in the years to come .
The Americans are preparing this building to represent the center or the real regime for Iraq in the future. Therefore, they are implementing all methods that may contribute to rendering it a serviceable and entertaining center with a level that must fit the rulers of a large country like Iraq. A similar situation occurred when Saddam built his many palaces scattered throughout the different regions, which became floating dust, scattered after his collapse. Then, he was satisfied with a small cell, the walls of which may cave in further and further to turn into nothing but a mere grave.
Today, the Americans are ambitious and seek to make their presence on the Iraqi land immortal as Saddam did earlier, becoming the immortal leader of that country even if he had to crush the skulls of his own people.
Saddam has collapsed and the Americans will not remain. All that they can gain in the future is a simple apartment where a mission that administers the American interests can reside in the embassy of a neutral country in Baghdad, exactly as happened 28 years ago in Tehran.
On the other hand, the embassy, or "Bush's castle" as the Iraqis like to call it, symbolizes the occupation at present. In the future, it will symbolize nothing but the American defeat in this part of the world.
Mahmoud Raya
السبت، مايو 06، 2006
قصر بوش
أي أحلام تستبد بالأميركيين، حتى يضعوا أموالهم في صفقة لا بد أن تكون خاسرة، ولو طال الزمن.
قد يكون مبلغ 592 مليون دولار تافهاً أمام مئات المليارات التي خسرتها واشنطن في حربها على العراق، ولكن يبقى التفريط بمبلغ كهذا من أجل إقامة "أكبر سفارة أميركية بالعالم" مشوباً بشبهة السَّفَه حتى تستطيع الإدارة الأميركية تقديم أدلة على أن البناء الذي تشيده في العاصمة العراقية بغداد سيكون له استخدام حقيقي وكامل في السنوات المقبلة.
الأميركيون يعدّون هذا البناء ليكون مركز الحكم الحقيقي للعراق في المستقبل، وهم لذلك يجهزونه بكل الوسائل التي تساهم في جعله مركزاً خدمياً وترفيهياً على مستوى يليق.. بحكّام بلد كبير مثل العراق، تماماً كما كان يفعل صدام بقصوره الكثيرة التي نثرها في مختلف الأنحاء، لتصبح هباءً منثوراً بعد سقوطه المدوي، وليكتفي بعد ذلك بزنزانة صغيرة، قد تضيق عليه أكثر في الفترة المقبلة لتتحول إلى مجرد قبر.
واليوم يطمح الأميركيون لكي يخلّدوا وجودهم على الأرض العراقية كما كان صدام من قبلهم يطمع بتحوله إلى القائد الخالد لذلك البلد ولو على جماجم أبناء شعبه.
صدام سقط، والأميركيون لن يبقوا، وجلّ ما يمكن أن يحصلوا عليه في المستقبل شقة تقيم فيها بعثة رعاية المصالح الأميركية في سفارة دولة محايدة في بغداد، تماماً كما حصل قبل أكثر من ثمانية وعشرين عاماً في طهران.
أما السفارة، أو "قصر بوش" كما يسميها العراقيون، فهي رمز للاحتلال الآن، ولن تكون في المقبل من الأيام إلا رمزاً للهزيمة الأميركية في هذه المنطقة من العالم.
محمود ريا
قد يكون مبلغ 592 مليون دولار تافهاً أمام مئات المليارات التي خسرتها واشنطن في حربها على العراق، ولكن يبقى التفريط بمبلغ كهذا من أجل إقامة "أكبر سفارة أميركية بالعالم" مشوباً بشبهة السَّفَه حتى تستطيع الإدارة الأميركية تقديم أدلة على أن البناء الذي تشيده في العاصمة العراقية بغداد سيكون له استخدام حقيقي وكامل في السنوات المقبلة.
الأميركيون يعدّون هذا البناء ليكون مركز الحكم الحقيقي للعراق في المستقبل، وهم لذلك يجهزونه بكل الوسائل التي تساهم في جعله مركزاً خدمياً وترفيهياً على مستوى يليق.. بحكّام بلد كبير مثل العراق، تماماً كما كان يفعل صدام بقصوره الكثيرة التي نثرها في مختلف الأنحاء، لتصبح هباءً منثوراً بعد سقوطه المدوي، وليكتفي بعد ذلك بزنزانة صغيرة، قد تضيق عليه أكثر في الفترة المقبلة لتتحول إلى مجرد قبر.
واليوم يطمح الأميركيون لكي يخلّدوا وجودهم على الأرض العراقية كما كان صدام من قبلهم يطمع بتحوله إلى القائد الخالد لذلك البلد ولو على جماجم أبناء شعبه.
صدام سقط، والأميركيون لن يبقوا، وجلّ ما يمكن أن يحصلوا عليه في المستقبل شقة تقيم فيها بعثة رعاية المصالح الأميركية في سفارة دولة محايدة في بغداد، تماماً كما حصل قبل أكثر من ثمانية وعشرين عاماً في طهران.
أما السفارة، أو "قصر بوش" كما يسميها العراقيون، فهي رمز للاحتلال الآن، ولن تكون في المقبل من الأيام إلا رمزاً للهزيمة الأميركية في هذه المنطقة من العالم.
محمود ريا
الخميس، مايو 04، 2006
"Yellow Dragon" Visits" Homeland of "Uncle Sam":America Confused About Dealing with “Perilous Chance”
While the Chinese President Hu Jintao resided on American land during his first official visit to the USA since he received his position, the US administration was still reviewing the dossiers of his first visit to the American continent last November.
However, the interest was not focused on the rounds of the past alone. In addition, it focused on the steps which China took in its talks with Australia – the US distinguished ally – pertaining to the investment of the Australian Uranium mines. For the first time, the US administration hears the spokesman of the Australian Foreign Ministry saying that his country did not need the permission of the US administration regarding each step it may take.
From the “past” to the future, the Americans have been accurately observing the following stations on the rounds of the Chinese president, which led him to each of Saudi Arabia in Asia as well as to Morocco, Nigeria and Kenya in Africa.
What are the similarities of all these stations? Why does the US focus on observing the Chinese movement around the world?
The secret lurks in one word: energy.
The US concern towards the Chinese movement, which is concomitant with the flow of the Chinese investments worldwide, has its justifications from the US administration angle. It mainly launches from a dilemma which this administration faces as its precedent administrations and the administrations that will succeed. How will it deal with Chinese power which has gone out of its control pertaining to its multi-faced and multi-dimensional progression?
At the very moment of receiving the Chinese President for the first time on US land, division overwhelms the attitude of the cream and centers of research as well as the US officials as they answer simple questions: What is China with respect to us? Is it an enemy (present or future)? Is it a challenge that must be contained through finding the different adequate means? Is it a chance that must be exploited to enhance the US gains on the level of the state and individuals?
Anyone who presents these suggestions will find or not find those who will support him. There are different viewpoints and each team relies on the facts it possesses and will regard them from its own angle.
For example, let us regard the issue of energy. We will find that there is a kind of understanding among the majority of the US viewpoints which reflects a concern towards the Chinese policy regarding the energy issue.
This concern does not stop at the Chinese growing consumption of petrol, which reaches at present more than 6 million barrels a day, and may reach 10 million barrels in year 2010. The concern increases to touch on the Chinese ambitious project that is based on the principle of constructing 3 new nuclear plants each year for the next 20 years. This means gigantic consumption of raw uranium worldwide.
However, this viewpoint finds some protestors in the same US. This is why the voices were raised to criticize the concern that was frankly expressed by the US President George Bush pertaining to the energy policy in China.
These voices are ironically asking: How can the US be concerned about the effects, which the Chinese consumption of oil may reflect on the prices, environment and world economy, when the US is consuming almost three times the amount of the Chinese consumption of oil, knowing that the number of the population in the US does not even exceed a quarter of that of China?
Nonetheless, the US concern does not only fountain from the direct effects of the Chinese consumption of oil; rather, from the means which Beijing is employing in order to obtain larger quantities of this vital substance.
For instance, the US keeps sending multi-national oil companies to invest in the petrol sources of the poor and growing countries without giving consideration to the human beings that live around the petrol wells. On the other hand, China, at the beginning of its “petrol campaign”, sends teams that construct infrastructure and offer health services as well as opening its universities for the students of the “targeted” counties. Hence, it would offer to the countries, with which it wishes to establish good rapport, an irresistible and integrated “prescription of growth”, giving the yellow dragon incomparable supremacy in competing with the western privileges.
At this point, the story surfaced regarding the concern that is overwhelming the American mediums pertaining to the commercial and political rapport that is growing indescribably fast with the states of Latin America, particularly those which oppose the USA. The rapport is also growing with African states, which are almost becoming – according to the category that came from Washington – US protectorates.
Perhaps the digital language can clarify the picture further. For example, the size of the commercial exchanges between the states of Latin America and China has doubled four times since 2000 to reach $50 billions. Besides, half of the Chinese foreign investments go directly to Latin America. This figure, the Chinese officials say, may reach $100 billions by the end of this decade.
Also in Africa, the sum of the commercial exchange between Africa and China rose from $12 millions in 1950 to reach $39.74 millions in 2005. The evidence is in the Chinese exports that excelled the US exports in the continent in 2003 pertaining to size and volume.
This Chinese “daring” in the zones, which were regarded by the US as its rear garden (Latin America), or in China's future quest (Africa) after snatching it from the claws of the French unjust influence, led to the holding of elevated meetings between officials of the two countries (The USA and China). The “problem” was discussed with all of its aspects. The US did not forget to open the dossier of China’s armament of the countries of Latin America and the different African countries. This issue incited many reservations at the US officials because it drew from their hands the monopoly card pertaining to the strengthening of the regimes which they like and the besieging of the officials whom they dislike.
In addition, the dossier of arming the other countries does not veil another US real concern which Washington leaders keep trying to conceal from time to time using diplomatic terms, still, this attempt does not hinder the matter from brilliantly surfacing. This is the US concern towards China becoming a real superpower, a superpower that competes with the US on the strategic level, not only on the economic level.
This concern was apparent in the strategic report of the US national security that was published by Washington last March. It included clear warnings about the “danger” which China holds towards the US on the strategic level. This issue incited a violent reaction from Beijing. It was expressed by the spokesman of the Chinese foreign ministry, Qin Gang, who said, “China has expressed its strong resentment towards these wrong actions of the US and has presented protests in strong language to the US side.”
The American information formally disseminated or leaked to the media as part of a programmed campaign that aims to favor a certain viewpoint inside the US, indicated that China is hiding the real sum of its military expenditure. Sources of the US ministry of war estimate that the Chinese military budget reaches $90 billions. Meanwhile, the official figures, which the Chinese ministry of defense is circulating, do not exceed $3 billions.
All these matters were presented at the dialogue table during the visit of the Chinese president to Washington. The visit was unfruitful, as it seemed, in finding solutions regarding the existing problems between the two countries, certainly topped by the issue of the deficit in the commercial balance between Washington and Beijing, which is strongly sloping in favor of the yellow dragon. This does not mean that this situation will inflict direct and real damages on the country of Uncle Sam, which will receive a great share of the income that reaches the Chinese land because several companies that work on the Chinese soil are originally American.
Although figure $202 billions (representing the US commercial deficit towards China in 2005) may be a fascinating number, yet some strategic intellectuals see in this economic relationship, a pressurizing factor on the Chinese policy more than on the US policy because the Chinese economic growth that passed 10% during the first quarter is mainly tied to exports to the US. This means that China depends on the US markets in order to preserve the strength of its economy.
In the shade of these interlaced and forked relations between the giant countries, the visit of Hu Jintao to Washington and his sixth meeting with George W. Bush, since he sat in the Chinese chair in 2003 – Bush visited China last November and there were other summits – was an attempt to draw a new roadmap that may lead to the clarification of the US stance towards China, providing that China draws its road towards the top on the level of the world.
However, the interest was not focused on the rounds of the past alone. In addition, it focused on the steps which China took in its talks with Australia – the US distinguished ally – pertaining to the investment of the Australian Uranium mines. For the first time, the US administration hears the spokesman of the Australian Foreign Ministry saying that his country did not need the permission of the US administration regarding each step it may take.
From the “past” to the future, the Americans have been accurately observing the following stations on the rounds of the Chinese president, which led him to each of Saudi Arabia in Asia as well as to Morocco, Nigeria and Kenya in Africa.
What are the similarities of all these stations? Why does the US focus on observing the Chinese movement around the world?
The secret lurks in one word: energy.
The US concern towards the Chinese movement, which is concomitant with the flow of the Chinese investments worldwide, has its justifications from the US administration angle. It mainly launches from a dilemma which this administration faces as its precedent administrations and the administrations that will succeed. How will it deal with Chinese power which has gone out of its control pertaining to its multi-faced and multi-dimensional progression?
At the very moment of receiving the Chinese President for the first time on US land, division overwhelms the attitude of the cream and centers of research as well as the US officials as they answer simple questions: What is China with respect to us? Is it an enemy (present or future)? Is it a challenge that must be contained through finding the different adequate means? Is it a chance that must be exploited to enhance the US gains on the level of the state and individuals?
Anyone who presents these suggestions will find or not find those who will support him. There are different viewpoints and each team relies on the facts it possesses and will regard them from its own angle.
For example, let us regard the issue of energy. We will find that there is a kind of understanding among the majority of the US viewpoints which reflects a concern towards the Chinese policy regarding the energy issue.
This concern does not stop at the Chinese growing consumption of petrol, which reaches at present more than 6 million barrels a day, and may reach 10 million barrels in year 2010. The concern increases to touch on the Chinese ambitious project that is based on the principle of constructing 3 new nuclear plants each year for the next 20 years. This means gigantic consumption of raw uranium worldwide.
However, this viewpoint finds some protestors in the same US. This is why the voices were raised to criticize the concern that was frankly expressed by the US President George Bush pertaining to the energy policy in China.
These voices are ironically asking: How can the US be concerned about the effects, which the Chinese consumption of oil may reflect on the prices, environment and world economy, when the US is consuming almost three times the amount of the Chinese consumption of oil, knowing that the number of the population in the US does not even exceed a quarter of that of China?
Nonetheless, the US concern does not only fountain from the direct effects of the Chinese consumption of oil; rather, from the means which Beijing is employing in order to obtain larger quantities of this vital substance.
For instance, the US keeps sending multi-national oil companies to invest in the petrol sources of the poor and growing countries without giving consideration to the human beings that live around the petrol wells. On the other hand, China, at the beginning of its “petrol campaign”, sends teams that construct infrastructure and offer health services as well as opening its universities for the students of the “targeted” counties. Hence, it would offer to the countries, with which it wishes to establish good rapport, an irresistible and integrated “prescription of growth”, giving the yellow dragon incomparable supremacy in competing with the western privileges.
At this point, the story surfaced regarding the concern that is overwhelming the American mediums pertaining to the commercial and political rapport that is growing indescribably fast with the states of Latin America, particularly those which oppose the USA. The rapport is also growing with African states, which are almost becoming – according to the category that came from Washington – US protectorates.
Perhaps the digital language can clarify the picture further. For example, the size of the commercial exchanges between the states of Latin America and China has doubled four times since 2000 to reach $50 billions. Besides, half of the Chinese foreign investments go directly to Latin America. This figure, the Chinese officials say, may reach $100 billions by the end of this decade.
Also in Africa, the sum of the commercial exchange between Africa and China rose from $12 millions in 1950 to reach $39.74 millions in 2005. The evidence is in the Chinese exports that excelled the US exports in the continent in 2003 pertaining to size and volume.
This Chinese “daring” in the zones, which were regarded by the US as its rear garden (Latin America), or in China's future quest (Africa) after snatching it from the claws of the French unjust influence, led to the holding of elevated meetings between officials of the two countries (The USA and China). The “problem” was discussed with all of its aspects. The US did not forget to open the dossier of China’s armament of the countries of Latin America and the different African countries. This issue incited many reservations at the US officials because it drew from their hands the monopoly card pertaining to the strengthening of the regimes which they like and the besieging of the officials whom they dislike.
In addition, the dossier of arming the other countries does not veil another US real concern which Washington leaders keep trying to conceal from time to time using diplomatic terms, still, this attempt does not hinder the matter from brilliantly surfacing. This is the US concern towards China becoming a real superpower, a superpower that competes with the US on the strategic level, not only on the economic level.
This concern was apparent in the strategic report of the US national security that was published by Washington last March. It included clear warnings about the “danger” which China holds towards the US on the strategic level. This issue incited a violent reaction from Beijing. It was expressed by the spokesman of the Chinese foreign ministry, Qin Gang, who said, “China has expressed its strong resentment towards these wrong actions of the US and has presented protests in strong language to the US side.”
The American information formally disseminated or leaked to the media as part of a programmed campaign that aims to favor a certain viewpoint inside the US, indicated that China is hiding the real sum of its military expenditure. Sources of the US ministry of war estimate that the Chinese military budget reaches $90 billions. Meanwhile, the official figures, which the Chinese ministry of defense is circulating, do not exceed $3 billions.
All these matters were presented at the dialogue table during the visit of the Chinese president to Washington. The visit was unfruitful, as it seemed, in finding solutions regarding the existing problems between the two countries, certainly topped by the issue of the deficit in the commercial balance between Washington and Beijing, which is strongly sloping in favor of the yellow dragon. This does not mean that this situation will inflict direct and real damages on the country of Uncle Sam, which will receive a great share of the income that reaches the Chinese land because several companies that work on the Chinese soil are originally American.
Although figure $202 billions (representing the US commercial deficit towards China in 2005) may be a fascinating number, yet some strategic intellectuals see in this economic relationship, a pressurizing factor on the Chinese policy more than on the US policy because the Chinese economic growth that passed 10% during the first quarter is mainly tied to exports to the US. This means that China depends on the US markets in order to preserve the strength of its economy.
In the shade of these interlaced and forked relations between the giant countries, the visit of Hu Jintao to Washington and his sixth meeting with George W. Bush, since he sat in the Chinese chair in 2003 – Bush visited China last November and there were other summits – was an attempt to draw a new roadmap that may lead to the clarification of the US stance towards China, providing that China draws its road towards the top on the level of the world.
what happened will happen again
George W. Bush is the only one left in this world to use the term “Cedars Revolution” to describe the events in Lebanon last year.
Even the leaders of the Zionist entity are bored from using this term because they suddenly discovered that it did not mean anything on the land of realty.
The Zionists – and Americans – encouraged the changes which Lebanon witnessed over the past year of 2005, thinking that these changes will lead to the achievement of that which they could not achieve, hoping that it will happen through the force of politics, eliminating the resistance, spiritually, willingly, mannerly, or militarily.
At present, someone seems to have bumped into the wall. Hence, he returned to say: “It’s not, what, where, something, this is.”
These words were written in Hebrew a few days ago by Eyal Zeser, an expert in the Syrian and Lebanese affairs, in the newspaper of Yediot Ahronot.
These words can be translated as: what happened will happen again.
This means no change, no “progress”, no achievement of the Zionist rosy hopes that the Lebanese will ruin their homes by their own hands after the Zionists failed to do so through their giant war machines.
He who remains in Lebanon is thinking with a Bushist mentality, and is after demands which are the same Zionist demands (without this necessarily meaning that he is one of them or even cooperating with them). What he is being told in eloquent Arabic, which lacks any English, French or Hebrew accent, is this: what happened will happen again.
Mahmoud Raya
Even the leaders of the Zionist entity are bored from using this term because they suddenly discovered that it did not mean anything on the land of realty.
The Zionists – and Americans – encouraged the changes which Lebanon witnessed over the past year of 2005, thinking that these changes will lead to the achievement of that which they could not achieve, hoping that it will happen through the force of politics, eliminating the resistance, spiritually, willingly, mannerly, or militarily.
At present, someone seems to have bumped into the wall. Hence, he returned to say: “It’s not, what, where, something, this is.”
These words were written in Hebrew a few days ago by Eyal Zeser, an expert in the Syrian and Lebanese affairs, in the newspaper of Yediot Ahronot.
These words can be translated as: what happened will happen again.
This means no change, no “progress”, no achievement of the Zionist rosy hopes that the Lebanese will ruin their homes by their own hands after the Zionists failed to do so through their giant war machines.
He who remains in Lebanon is thinking with a Bushist mentality, and is after demands which are the same Zionist demands (without this necessarily meaning that he is one of them or even cooperating with them). What he is being told in eloquent Arabic, which lacks any English, French or Hebrew accent, is this: what happened will happen again.
Mahmoud Raya
الاثنين، مايو 01، 2006
"ما كان هو ما سيكون"
لم يبق في العالم من يستعمل مصطلح "ثورة الأرز" لوصف ما حصل في لبنان خلال العام الماضي إلا جورج دابليو بوش.
حتى قادة الكيان الصهيوني ملّوا من استعمال هذا المصطلح الذي اكتشفوا فجأة أنه بات لا يعني شيئاً على أرض الواقع.
لقد شجع الصهاينة ـ والأميركيون ـ التغييرات التي شهدها لبنان على مدى العام 2005 ظناً منهم أن هذه التغييرات ستؤدي إلى تحقيق ما عجزوا هم عن تحقيقه، سواء بالقوة أو بالسياسة: القضاء على المقاومة، روحاً وإرادة وموقفاً وسلاحاً.
اليوم، يبدو أن هناك من اصطدم بالحائط، فعاد ليقول:
"ما ها ياهو شي يهيي".
هي كلمات بالعبرية كتبها الخبير الصهيوني بالشؤون السورية واللبنانية أيال زيسر في صحيفة يديعوت أحرونوت قبل أيام.
يمكن ترجمة هذه الكلمات على الشكل التالي: ما كان هو الذي سيكون.
أي لا تغيير، لا "تقدم"، لا تحقيق للآمال الصهيونية الوردية بأن يخرب اللبنانيون بيوتهم بأيديهم بعد أن عجز الصهاينة عن تخريبها بآلتهم الحربية العملاقة.
أما من بقي في لبنان يفكر بعقلية بوشية، ويطالب بمطالب لا يطلبها إلا الصهاينة (دون أن يعني هذا بالضرورة أنه منهم أو ينسق معهم) فما يقال له بعربية فصحى، ليست فيها أي لكنة إنكليزية أو فرنسية أو عبرية هو التالي: ما كان هو الذي سيكون.
محمود ريا
حتى قادة الكيان الصهيوني ملّوا من استعمال هذا المصطلح الذي اكتشفوا فجأة أنه بات لا يعني شيئاً على أرض الواقع.
لقد شجع الصهاينة ـ والأميركيون ـ التغييرات التي شهدها لبنان على مدى العام 2005 ظناً منهم أن هذه التغييرات ستؤدي إلى تحقيق ما عجزوا هم عن تحقيقه، سواء بالقوة أو بالسياسة: القضاء على المقاومة، روحاً وإرادة وموقفاً وسلاحاً.
اليوم، يبدو أن هناك من اصطدم بالحائط، فعاد ليقول:
"ما ها ياهو شي يهيي".
هي كلمات بالعبرية كتبها الخبير الصهيوني بالشؤون السورية واللبنانية أيال زيسر في صحيفة يديعوت أحرونوت قبل أيام.
يمكن ترجمة هذه الكلمات على الشكل التالي: ما كان هو الذي سيكون.
أي لا تغيير، لا "تقدم"، لا تحقيق للآمال الصهيونية الوردية بأن يخرب اللبنانيون بيوتهم بأيديهم بعد أن عجز الصهاينة عن تخريبها بآلتهم الحربية العملاقة.
أما من بقي في لبنان يفكر بعقلية بوشية، ويطالب بمطالب لا يطلبها إلا الصهاينة (دون أن يعني هذا بالضرورة أنه منهم أو ينسق معهم) فما يقال له بعربية فصحى، ليست فيها أي لكنة إنكليزية أو فرنسية أو عبرية هو التالي: ما كان هو الذي سيكون.
محمود ريا
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