هل هناك أسوأ من تدمير قبة مقام الإمام الهادي (ع) في سامراء؟
الجريمة كبيرة، كبيرة جداً، وهي تأتي في وقت سيىء جداً، ولها انعكاسات كبيرة وخطيرة.
ولكن هل هناك أسوأ منها؟
نعم..
هناك ما هو أخطر في ما حصل وفي ما قيل لتبريره.
قيل للذين يؤيدون مرتكبي هذه الجريمة البشعة وللذين هلّلوا لفعلتهم الشنيعة ـ وهم قلّة من "مجاهدي الإنترنت" الذين لا يتركون أحداً من شرورهم ـ هل تتصورون تدمير المسجد الأقصى وقبة الصخرة حتى تفرحوا لتدمير قبة مسجد ومقام يعني الكثير لمئات الملايين من المسلمين؟
وهنا كانت المصيبة..
الفرحون بتفجير قبة مقام الإمام الهادي أوردوا من مخزونهم الفكري الضحل فتاوى لـ"علمائهم" تعتبر أن القبة على الصخرة بدعة، ولا بد من السعي لتدميرها!
ببساطة ومن دون الكثير من التعليق، يروّجون بمنطق متلبّس بالإسلام ما يرغب الصهاينة في فعله، تدمير المسجد الأقصى وقبة الصخرة!..
لماذا؟
لأنهما بدعة..
وماذا أيضاً؟
حتى مسجد الرسول (ص) في المدينة بدعة ومخالفة للشرع.. ولا بد من تدميره..
...
هؤلاء هم الذين دمروا القبة في سامراء، وهم أنفسهم الذين سيدمرون الأمة كلها لو تُركوا يسرحون بـ"فكرهم" النتن بين شعوبها..
حذارِ يا مسلمون من هؤلاء التكفيريين.
محمود ريا
الأحد، فبراير 26، 2006
الأربعاء، فبراير 22، 2006
into the vacuum
Storming eminent Lebanese figures with insults and accusations rendered the demonstrators look like those who watch the free wrestling games, where they chant in support of one contester against the other wrestler.
Everything was set and ready, the spectators (the uncounted public due to the uncounted distributed “tickets”), the ring (the blue platform that almost collapsed due to the weight of those willing to climb aboard), the wrestlers who all belonged to one team. On the other hand, the competing wrestler, opponent or enemy was the wind.
Yes, the wrestlers of March-14 wrestled into the vacuum that matched the emptiness of most statements. Therefore, their words derailed from the track to strike fruitlessly and without influencing the facts. On the other hand, the “opponent wrestler” was not prepared to play this distasteful game. Instead, he sought a way to remedy the wounds that would be left behind by this donkish battle, the involvers of which rode the back of their horsy statements and launched into a scant “sea of people”. Pointlessly, they were trying to reach nowhere.
There is a great difference between he who raises his voice to lead the people to destruction and he who grants “pardon” to others, although he realizes the psychological illnesses from which they suffer.
Everything was set and ready, the spectators (the uncounted public due to the uncounted distributed “tickets”), the ring (the blue platform that almost collapsed due to the weight of those willing to climb aboard), the wrestlers who all belonged to one team. On the other hand, the competing wrestler, opponent or enemy was the wind.
Yes, the wrestlers of March-14 wrestled into the vacuum that matched the emptiness of most statements. Therefore, their words derailed from the track to strike fruitlessly and without influencing the facts. On the other hand, the “opponent wrestler” was not prepared to play this distasteful game. Instead, he sought a way to remedy the wounds that would be left behind by this donkish battle, the involvers of which rode the back of their horsy statements and launched into a scant “sea of people”. Pointlessly, they were trying to reach nowhere.
There is a great difference between he who raises his voice to lead the people to destruction and he who grants “pardon” to others, although he realizes the psychological illnesses from which they suffer.
السبت، فبراير 18، 2006
ملاكمو 14 شباط
توجيه الشتائم والاتهامات إلى شخصيات لبنانية مرموقة جعل المتظاهرين يبدون مثل مشاهدي حفلات المصارعة الحرّة، الذين يشجعون أحد المتباريين على الحلبة في مواجهة الملاكم الآخر.
كل شيء كان حاضراً، المتفرجون (الجمهور الذي لا يمكن تعداده لأنه لم تُحصَ "البطاقات" الموزعة)، والحلبة (المنصّة الزرقاء التي كادت تقع من ضغط الراغبين في الصعود إليها)، والملاكمون الذين كانوا كلهم من فريق واحد.
أما الملاكم المنافس أو الخصم أو العدو فكان.. الهواء..
نعم، كان ملاكمو 14 شباط يوجهون لكماتهم الى هواء فارغ فراغ تصريحات معظمهم، فتخرج لكماتهم عن حدودها للتحول إلى ضرب بلا نتيجة وبلا تأثير على الوقائع.
أما "الملاكم المنافس"، فلم يكن في وارد الخوض في هذه اللعبة المقيتة، بل كان يفتش عن كيفية لملمة الجراح التي ستتركها هذه المعركة الدونكيشوتية التي امتطى خائضوها صهوة تصريحاتهم وانطلقوا يخوضون "بحر الجماهير" الذي كان شحيحاً، إلى درجة أنه لن يوصلهم إلى مكان.
شتان بين الذي يرفع عقيرته ليقود الناس إلى الخراب، ومن "يعفو" عن الآخرين، مدركاً أي أمراض نفسية يعانون.
محمود ريّا
كل شيء كان حاضراً، المتفرجون (الجمهور الذي لا يمكن تعداده لأنه لم تُحصَ "البطاقات" الموزعة)، والحلبة (المنصّة الزرقاء التي كادت تقع من ضغط الراغبين في الصعود إليها)، والملاكمون الذين كانوا كلهم من فريق واحد.
أما الملاكم المنافس أو الخصم أو العدو فكان.. الهواء..
نعم، كان ملاكمو 14 شباط يوجهون لكماتهم الى هواء فارغ فراغ تصريحات معظمهم، فتخرج لكماتهم عن حدودها للتحول إلى ضرب بلا نتيجة وبلا تأثير على الوقائع.
أما "الملاكم المنافس"، فلم يكن في وارد الخوض في هذه اللعبة المقيتة، بل كان يفتش عن كيفية لملمة الجراح التي ستتركها هذه المعركة الدونكيشوتية التي امتطى خائضوها صهوة تصريحاتهم وانطلقوا يخوضون "بحر الجماهير" الذي كان شحيحاً، إلى درجة أنه لن يوصلهم إلى مكان.
شتان بين الذي يرفع عقيرته ليقود الناس إلى الخراب، ومن "يعفو" عن الآخرين، مدركاً أي أمراض نفسية يعانون.
محمود ريّا
الخميس، فبراير 16، 2006
Ashrafiye Demonstration: Country Resting Above Crater of Sectarian Volcano
The Worst Could Have Happened!
--------------------------------
By Mahmoud Raya
To choose between the two evils, the government chose what it thought to be the lesser evil to deal with the serious events in Ashrafiye that took place last Sunday. This happened after the government was incapable of sparing the region and Lebanon this bitter cup.
The loyalists refused to admit to that which the government had admitted; hence, they continued playing the foreign card and accused Syria, Palestine and “a non-Arab regional country”! Then, they sought the help of the Security Council; and this time they did not ignore some Arab cover when they directed a call to the Arab League to handle this case!
The rising smoke from the flames of Tabaris building in Ashrafiye area in the heart of the Lebanese capital Beirut could not hide the facts of several leads. Hence, the March-14 forces decided, after the occurrences, to incite smoke of “different colors,” hoping that they can distract, through them, the Lebanese eyes from the truth of what happened and from the necessity in dealing with the event. They did not want Lebanon to deepen further in the tunnel of the dangers into which these forces are leading the country.
Some people wanted from the organized demonstration to display an expression of condemning the abuse of the Prophet (PBUH&HH), to send more than one message in more than one local, regional and international direction. Therefore, the religious calculations, which the organizers sanctioned, were entangled with political calculations of extreme complexity relating to the direction of messages to other Lebanese parties. Hence, the wills and trends clashed as a first step reaching loss of control of the march, after which its organizers completely lost control.
Although Ashrafiye was an area of sensitive sectarian and political feature and was the primary stage of the demonstration, yet the observers saw the practices that took place and went out of all the symmetries of rationality and awareness. It was a translation of sectarian factors, nourished by radical trends that act powerfully on the arena in the form of public currents. However, the concerned people in the country seem to be unable to realize the truth with its real size in the correct form, especially that these parties are dispersed in different regions at the time when the Future current seem to have the political control.
These analysts believe that the collection of several wills provided these parties the chance that formed after the tragic event of the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, and they worked on strengthening their real existence on the street and in secret.
All these elements, which are saturated with tension, congestion and preparedness for action, were countered by an echoing vacuum of the official authorities that are sunk as it seems in the deepest levels of inaction towards the event. Perhaps, some thought that this demonstration was “theirs”, and hence there was no need for security alertness or escort. Thus, they kept away from the event and the security forces were unable to gather the largest possible number to counter the unexpected. On the other hand, not long ago, they were completely ready to oppress a small number of students who demonstrated in front of the government house, and they were prepared with a very strong wall in front of the Lebanese embassy in Awkar the day when the Lebanese youths demonstrated to condemn the American intervention in the Lebanese affairs. In addition, some information was given by several sides about the existence of military vehicles that were alerted to interfere when needed. However, they were not given the orders to do their duty!
When the “event inevitable cometh to pass”, the government was facing both evils. In other words, either it leaves the demonstrators spread mischief in the land of Ashrafiye, or they fire at them which would perhaps cause the fatality of hundreds. Hence, it chose the lesser evil while the worst could have happened and led Lebanon into a dark tunnel had real friction taken place between the citizens of the area and the demonstrators.
This series of mistakes and unhappy coincidences as well as stations of misunderstanding between the concerned politicians and security officials regarding the occurrences – one of its faces was Samir Geagea’s saying that these demonstrators are “our allies” and must not be hurt – produced a tragic situation that could have exploded into a major political and security crisis in the capital city and even across Lebanon with the movement of more than one security “front,” launching from Kahale and Sin El-Feel, reaching other areas including perhaps Naime. The explosion could have happened if it were not for the late conclusive intervention of the security forces that contained the public reaction that damaged public and private properties. It was also said that they violated sacred religious places in the core of the city while religious, spiritual and political authorities reacted in order to contain the side reactions of the occurrences and the damages.
Although a “suture” was removed last Sunday without any complications, which still left a dark mark behind, yet the March-14 group that is responsible for the provisioning of faulty environments moved the battle outside the capital by blaming certain areas – as well as foreign forces – for the crises. They also “invented” information about the existence of training camps for radical forces in the north, which were responsible for the riots, coupled with the illegal participation of Syria including Jordanian radical elements. They also invented other accusations which the new – acting – Minister of Interior Ahmad Fatfat belittled while he directly refuted that which was said by the March-14 turnabouts in their military statements that they released after a meeting inside the house of MP Walid Junblat.
What happened last Sunday in Ashrafiye with the aftermath of statements, accusations and countering accusations as well as press conferences, proved that some people wanted to overlook the solving of a real problem which Lebanon now encounters. This is the problem of the loose sectarianism, fanaticism and tribalism. Meanwhile, the real concerned people, who are responsible for the future of the nation and state in Lebanon, are restoring the issues by activating the national dialogue and smothering the sectarian logic when dealing with the issues, paving the way for its final extirpation.
--------------------------------
By Mahmoud Raya
To choose between the two evils, the government chose what it thought to be the lesser evil to deal with the serious events in Ashrafiye that took place last Sunday. This happened after the government was incapable of sparing the region and Lebanon this bitter cup.
The loyalists refused to admit to that which the government had admitted; hence, they continued playing the foreign card and accused Syria, Palestine and “a non-Arab regional country”! Then, they sought the help of the Security Council; and this time they did not ignore some Arab cover when they directed a call to the Arab League to handle this case!
The rising smoke from the flames of Tabaris building in Ashrafiye area in the heart of the Lebanese capital Beirut could not hide the facts of several leads. Hence, the March-14 forces decided, after the occurrences, to incite smoke of “different colors,” hoping that they can distract, through them, the Lebanese eyes from the truth of what happened and from the necessity in dealing with the event. They did not want Lebanon to deepen further in the tunnel of the dangers into which these forces are leading the country.
Some people wanted from the organized demonstration to display an expression of condemning the abuse of the Prophet (PBUH&HH), to send more than one message in more than one local, regional and international direction. Therefore, the religious calculations, which the organizers sanctioned, were entangled with political calculations of extreme complexity relating to the direction of messages to other Lebanese parties. Hence, the wills and trends clashed as a first step reaching loss of control of the march, after which its organizers completely lost control.
Although Ashrafiye was an area of sensitive sectarian and political feature and was the primary stage of the demonstration, yet the observers saw the practices that took place and went out of all the symmetries of rationality and awareness. It was a translation of sectarian factors, nourished by radical trends that act powerfully on the arena in the form of public currents. However, the concerned people in the country seem to be unable to realize the truth with its real size in the correct form, especially that these parties are dispersed in different regions at the time when the Future current seem to have the political control.
These analysts believe that the collection of several wills provided these parties the chance that formed after the tragic event of the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, and they worked on strengthening their real existence on the street and in secret.
All these elements, which are saturated with tension, congestion and preparedness for action, were countered by an echoing vacuum of the official authorities that are sunk as it seems in the deepest levels of inaction towards the event. Perhaps, some thought that this demonstration was “theirs”, and hence there was no need for security alertness or escort. Thus, they kept away from the event and the security forces were unable to gather the largest possible number to counter the unexpected. On the other hand, not long ago, they were completely ready to oppress a small number of students who demonstrated in front of the government house, and they were prepared with a very strong wall in front of the Lebanese embassy in Awkar the day when the Lebanese youths demonstrated to condemn the American intervention in the Lebanese affairs. In addition, some information was given by several sides about the existence of military vehicles that were alerted to interfere when needed. However, they were not given the orders to do their duty!
When the “event inevitable cometh to pass”, the government was facing both evils. In other words, either it leaves the demonstrators spread mischief in the land of Ashrafiye, or they fire at them which would perhaps cause the fatality of hundreds. Hence, it chose the lesser evil while the worst could have happened and led Lebanon into a dark tunnel had real friction taken place between the citizens of the area and the demonstrators.
This series of mistakes and unhappy coincidences as well as stations of misunderstanding between the concerned politicians and security officials regarding the occurrences – one of its faces was Samir Geagea’s saying that these demonstrators are “our allies” and must not be hurt – produced a tragic situation that could have exploded into a major political and security crisis in the capital city and even across Lebanon with the movement of more than one security “front,” launching from Kahale and Sin El-Feel, reaching other areas including perhaps Naime. The explosion could have happened if it were not for the late conclusive intervention of the security forces that contained the public reaction that damaged public and private properties. It was also said that they violated sacred religious places in the core of the city while religious, spiritual and political authorities reacted in order to contain the side reactions of the occurrences and the damages.
Although a “suture” was removed last Sunday without any complications, which still left a dark mark behind, yet the March-14 group that is responsible for the provisioning of faulty environments moved the battle outside the capital by blaming certain areas – as well as foreign forces – for the crises. They also “invented” information about the existence of training camps for radical forces in the north, which were responsible for the riots, coupled with the illegal participation of Syria including Jordanian radical elements. They also invented other accusations which the new – acting – Minister of Interior Ahmad Fatfat belittled while he directly refuted that which was said by the March-14 turnabouts in their military statements that they released after a meeting inside the house of MP Walid Junblat.
What happened last Sunday in Ashrafiye with the aftermath of statements, accusations and countering accusations as well as press conferences, proved that some people wanted to overlook the solving of a real problem which Lebanon now encounters. This is the problem of the loose sectarianism, fanaticism and tribalism. Meanwhile, the real concerned people, who are responsible for the future of the nation and state in Lebanon, are restoring the issues by activating the national dialogue and smothering the sectarian logic when dealing with the issues, paving the way for its final extirpation.
الخميس، فبراير 09، 2006
!العبّارة.. والوطن
كيف يمكن إيجاد رابط بين ما أصاب ركاب العبارة المصرية التي غرقت في البحر الأحمر وبين ما يحصل هذه الأيام في لبنان؟
ما أدى إلى غرق العبارة ومقتل المئات من ركابها هو سلسلة من الأخطاء والتجاوزات التي تبدأ من كون السفينة باتت بحاجة إلى صيانة شاملة، وربما إحالة إلى التقاعد، وبين إهمال الطاقم الذي زاده فظاعة فرار القبطان منذ اللحظة الأولى لظهور خطر الغرق.
المشكلة معقدة إذا، فكيف إذا صح ما يقوله الكثيرون من أن الكارثة "قومية" وأن الشركة التي ارتكبت هذا الكم من المخالفات مرتبطة بأناس "فوق.. فوق" لا أحد يستطيع محاسبتهم أو الوقوف أمام أوامرهم.
هل يذكّر هذا الوضع اللبنانيين بشيء؟
هل يوحي لهم بقباطنة يفرون عند أول خطر، تاركين "الركاب" بين أنياب البحر، وبمسؤولين غير مسؤولين يتكلون على دعم الـ "فوق.. فوق" فلا يهتمون فعلاً بأمور الذين هم تحت؟
هل نحن أمام كارثة غرق لبنانية،أم نحن أمام تجربة إنقاذ ستسمح لجميع الركاب بالوصول بسلام؟
لقد غرقت العبّارة في البحر لأن أحداً لم يتدخل لوقف سلسلة الأخطاء التي أوصلت إلى هذه النتيجة.
في لبنان، الوضع ليس كذلك، فهناك ربّانون مهرة ومخلصون، قرارهم أن يكون القبطان هو آخر من يترك السفينة المهددة بالغرق.. عسى أن يتمكن من إنقاذها.
بين هنا وهناك، الوضع مختلف تماماً
محمود ريا
ما أدى إلى غرق العبارة ومقتل المئات من ركابها هو سلسلة من الأخطاء والتجاوزات التي تبدأ من كون السفينة باتت بحاجة إلى صيانة شاملة، وربما إحالة إلى التقاعد، وبين إهمال الطاقم الذي زاده فظاعة فرار القبطان منذ اللحظة الأولى لظهور خطر الغرق.
المشكلة معقدة إذا، فكيف إذا صح ما يقوله الكثيرون من أن الكارثة "قومية" وأن الشركة التي ارتكبت هذا الكم من المخالفات مرتبطة بأناس "فوق.. فوق" لا أحد يستطيع محاسبتهم أو الوقوف أمام أوامرهم.
هل يذكّر هذا الوضع اللبنانيين بشيء؟
هل يوحي لهم بقباطنة يفرون عند أول خطر، تاركين "الركاب" بين أنياب البحر، وبمسؤولين غير مسؤولين يتكلون على دعم الـ "فوق.. فوق" فلا يهتمون فعلاً بأمور الذين هم تحت؟
هل نحن أمام كارثة غرق لبنانية،أم نحن أمام تجربة إنقاذ ستسمح لجميع الركاب بالوصول بسلام؟
لقد غرقت العبّارة في البحر لأن أحداً لم يتدخل لوقف سلسلة الأخطاء التي أوصلت إلى هذه النتيجة.
في لبنان، الوضع ليس كذلك، فهناك ربّانون مهرة ومخلصون، قرارهم أن يكون القبطان هو آخر من يترك السفينة المهددة بالغرق.. عسى أن يتمكن من إنقاذها.
بين هنا وهناك، الوضع مختلف تماماً
محمود ريا
تظاهرة الأشرفية: البلد في فوهة البركان الطائفي
بين السيئ والأسوأ.. كاد يقع الأكثر سوءاً
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بين السيئ والأسوأ اختارت الحكومة ما رأت أنه الأقل سوءاً في التعامل مع ما حصل في الأشرفية من أحداث خطيرة يوم الأحد الماضي، وذلك بعد أن عجزت ـ عن سوء تقدير أو عدم دراية ـ في تجنيب المنطقة ولبنان هذا الكأس المر.
والذي اعترفت به الحكومة، أبت الفصائل التي تساند أكثريتها أن تقرّ به، فاستمرت في لعب الورقة الخارجية يميناً وشمالاً، أي لجهة توجيه الاتهام بما حصل لجهات خارجية ـ سوريا وفلسطين و"دولة إقليمية غير عربية"! ـ ولجهة الاستنجاد بالخارج المتمثل بمجلس الأمن الدولي ـ القوى المهيمنة فيه تحديداً ـ ولا بأس من بعض التغطية بقناع عربي عبر توجيه الدعوة أيضاً للجامعة العربية لوضع يدها على هذه القضية.
لم يستطع الدخان الذي أثاره حريق مبنى التباريس في منطقة الأشرفية في قلب العاصمة اللبنانية بيروت أن يخفي حقائق عديدة، فلجأت القوى المعنية بتحمل المسؤولية إزاء ما حصل إلى إثارة أدخنة "مختلفة الألوان" عسى أن تتمكن من خلالها من حرف أنظار اللبنانيين عن حقيقة ما حصل وعن ضرورة معالجته، كي لا يتوغل لبنان في نفق الأخطار الذي تقوده هذه القوى إلى داخله.
المسيرة التي نظمت كي تكون تعبيراً عن الغضب الشعبي على ما قامت به صحف دانماركية ونرويجية وغربية أخرى من تطاول على حرمة رسول الله صلى الله عليه وآله، أراد لها البعض أن توجه أكثر من رسالة وفي أكثر من اتجاه محلي وإقليمي ودولي، فاختلطت الحسابات الدينية التي اعتمدها المنظمون مع حسابات سياسية بالغة التعقيد دخلت على خط استخدام هذا الحشد الكبير باتجاه لبنانيين من غير التوجه الذي غلب على التظاهرة، فكان اصطدام الإرادات والتوجهات الخطوة الأولى في اتجاه فقدان التظاهرة لتماسكها، ومن ثم فقدان منظميها للسيطرة عليها.
وإذا كانت منطقة الأشرفية ـ بما لها من ظروف سياسية وطائفية حساسة ـ المسرح الأولي لهذه التظاهرة ـ المواجهة، فإن مراقبين حللوا ما حصل من زوايا سياسية واجتماعية معينة وجدوا فيما شهدته المنطقة من ممارسات خرجت عن كل موازين التعقل والوعي ترجمة لعوامل طائفية تغذيها عمليات حقن تمارسها أطراف تتحرك بشكل قوي على الساحة وتفرض نفسها كتيارات شعبية لا يبدو أن المعنيين في البلاد يقدرون حجمها بشكل صحيح، وتمت هذه التيارات على امتداد الانتشار الديموغرافي للجو الحاضن لهذه التيارات، في الوقت الذي تبدو السيطرة السياسية للتيار البارز على هذه الساحة مجردة من الثقل الشعبي الحقيقي، وإنما هي تجميع إرادات أرادت ان تعطي هذا التيار فرصته الناشئة من زخم الحدث التراجيدي الذي عاشه لبنان، في الوقت الذي بقيت هي تعمل على تعزيز وجودها الحقيقي في الشارع، وفي الخفاء.
إلا أن العامل الطائفي ليس هو الوحيد المؤثر في ما حصل، وإنما هناك عوامل اجتماعية واقتصادية لعبت دورها في تصاعد الفلتان، ولا سيما بعد أن تراخت قبضة المنظمين عن المسيرة، وهو ما يمكن تسميته بصدمة التحريض الاقتصادي الناجم عن الفارق الشاسع بين ما شاهده البعض في قلب العاصمة وما يعيشه في مناطقه ـ النائية والقريبة على حد سواء ـ من شظف في العيش ناجم عن إهمال الدولة التاريخي والمتمادي لهذه المناطق.
كل هذه العوامل الطافحة بالتشنج والاحتقان والتحفز للفعل، كان مقابلها فراغ مدوّ من السلطات الرسمية التي كانت على ما يبدو في أقصى درجات التراخي في التعامل مع الحدث، ربما لاعتقاد المعنيين في السلطة أن هذه التظاهرة "لنا" وبالتالي هي لا تحتاج لأي مواكبة أو تحضير أمني، بعيداً عن الحديث عن عدم قدرة القوى الأمنية على حشد ما يكفي لمجابهة ما هو غير متوقع، ودليل الذي يقولون بذلك إن السلطة كانت جاهزة تماماً لقمع عدد قليل من الطلاب أمام السراي الحكومي، ولتحضير حائط دفاع متين جداً أمام السفارة الأمركية في عوكر يوم تظاهرة الشباب اللبناني تنديداً بتدخل الإدارة الأميركية بالشؤون اللبنانية، إضافة إلى معلومات أعلنتها أكثر من جهة عن وجود عدة قطع عسكرية على أهبة الاستعداد للتدخل، إلا أن الأوامر لم تعطَ لها للقيام بواجبها.
ولمّا "وقعت الواقعة" كانت الحكومة أمام خياري السيئ والأسوأ، أي إما ترك المتظاهرين يعيثون فساداً بمنطقة الأشرفية، أو إطلاق النار عليهم وقتل العشرات وربما المئات منهم ـ نظراً لطبيعة المشاركين الذين يفترض أنهم لا يحسبون حساباً للموت ـ فكان أن الذي نتج عن اختيار السيئ يهدد بحصول الأكثر سوءاً وإدخال لبنان في نفق المجهول، لو أن احتكاكاً حقيقياً حصل بين أبناء المنطقة والذين يتظاهرون فيها.
هذا المسلسل من الأخطاء والصدف غير السعيدة ومحطات سوء التفاهم بين المعنيين السياسيين والأمنيين بما جرى ـ والذي ترجم نفسه بتأكيد أحد القياديين الحاضرين بقوة في منطقة الحدث أن هؤلاء المتظاهرين "حلفاؤنا" ولا يجب التعرض لهم ـ أنتج وضعاً مأساوياً كان يمكن له أن يفجر أزمة سياسية وأمنية كبرى في العاصمة وحتى على امتداد لبنان مع تحرك أكثر من "جبهة" أمنية ـ في الكحالة وسن الفيل.. والناعمة ربما؟! ـ لولا التحرك المتأخر ولكن الحاسم للقوى الأمنية لاحتواء رد الفعل الشعبي على التعرض للممتلكات العامة والخاصة وما قيل عن انتهاك مقدسات دينية في قلب العاصمة.
وإذا كانت "قطبة" يوم الأحد مرّت على خير وإن بعد أن تركت أثراً أسود يصعب أن ينمحي، فإن المسؤولين عن خلق الجو الذي حصل الخلل في إطاره نقلوا المعركة إلى خارج العاصمة مرة أخرى عبر العمل على تحميل مناطق محددة ـ إضافة للقوى الخارجية ـ مسؤولية الأزمة و"اختراع" معلومات ـ ثبت بعدها عن الصحة ـ عن وجود معسكرات تدريب للقوى الأصولية التي قامت بأعمال التكسير في مناطق شمالية ودخول جموع بشكل غير شرعي من سوريا وبينها عناصر متطرفة أردنية وغير ذلك من التهم التي ضرب بها وزير الداخلية ـ بالوكالة ـ الجديد أحمد فتفت عرض الحائط فيما اعتبر تكذيباً مباشراً لكل ما أورده إنقلابيو 14 آذار في بيانهم العسكري الذي أذاعوه إثر لقاء عقد في منزل النائب وليد جنبلاط.
ما حصل يوم الأحد الماضي في الأشرفية وما تلاه من بيانات ومن اتهامات ومن مؤتمرات صحافية امتدت على مستوى لبنان، أظهر أن البعض أراد حرف النظر عن معالجة مشكلة حقيقية بات لبنان يقف أمامها، وهي مشكلة تفلّت العصبيات المذهبية والطائفية من كل عقال، فيما يبدو أن المعنيين الحقيقيين بمستقبل الشعب والدولة في لبنان، يعيدان الأمور إلى نصابها من خلال تفعيل الحوار الوطني وتخميد المنطق الطائفي في التعامل مع القضايا، تمهيداً لاستئصاله بشكل نهائي.
محمود ريا
الثلاثاء، فبراير 07، 2006
Assaulting Moslem Feelings: Challenge Begins with Condemnation Lacking Drastic Measures
By Mahmoud Raya
With the western campaign that defies the feelings of Moslems widening and the virus of the depictions that damage the image of the prophet Mohammed (PBUH&HH) via several dailies spreading, and the “discovering” of other cases in countries other than the host of the virus – Denmark – the campaign to counter this serious flaw has to escalate because it can alter into a comprehensive plague that may leave its influence on several countries and on the rapports between the countries of the east and the countries of the west.
The reason behind all of this issue is nothing but a bunch of perpetrators who are undoubtedly tied to a conspiracy that has become clearer in some aspects.
The cartoons that hurt the prophet Mohammed (PBUH&HH) hold a danger that is represented by the fact that they are being produced under the slogan of the freedom of speech, which the west preserves when the victimized target of this freedom is a weak and helpless team. On the other hand, one cannot take advantage of those who own “media, legal and powerful authoritative fangs” under the pretext of freedom of speech, while the “free people” will keep a safe distance from them to preserve themselves and escape a bad end.
As a result of this reality, searching for a “certain justice” that rules the west relationship – with its official and unofficial features – becomes an issue that exists out of the zone of research. This is because relying on a justice of this kind goes under the framework of utter negativity in dealing with the events. Although this negativity has been ignored in several cases which the nation experienced past and present, yet this present case has left the circle of silence. This is because it damages the beliefs of the Moslem people whose number, according to the latest census, has reached more than one billion and four hundred million. This number equals at least a fifth of the number of the world population.
Thereon, turning a blind eye to this crime, represented by the circulation of these cartoons, is equivalent to one’s keeping silent towards an attempt that seeks to erase the religious and civilized identity of the Moslems. Underestimating this issue can pave the way to a very negative relationship between the western media and the Moslems’ taboos.
And perhaps this media retreated at a certain stage from dealing with utter negativity towards Moslems after the decisive act which the departed Imam Khomeini (RIP) conducted in confronting the abuse which writer Salman Rushdie showed in the late eighties, where the fatwa on his apostasy called for his capital punishment, which led to his complete disappearance from the international arena. The Imam threatened as well that any similar insolence would receive the same fatwa making such a person one of those haunted and expelled from general and public life.
This Khomeini act, although it was not translated into a tangible reality, has placed those impudent persons before a haunting fate. Therefore, the abuses that directly hurt the great Islamic taboos calmed down, while the interest of the westerners – coupled with some affiliated easterners – changed to an interest that hurts Moslems in general, far from the crucial issues of their beliefs.
However, this restraint, represented by the fatwa of Imam Khomeini, coupled with the greater Islamic anger and protest for the case of the messenger of God (PBUH&HH), was intercepted by the events which our nation has encountered over the past years coupled with this harsh attack on this nation ever since the attack of September 11, the time when the nation with its beliefs, figures, thoughts and states were placed altogether in the basket of terrorism without distinguishing between one Moslem and another.
Perhaps the cartoons came as a last issue that rendered the case unbearable and urged millions of Moslems to take to the street to protest over the issues that are deemed blasphemous and insulting to their taboos. The issue united the Moslems to carry out a campaign of boycotting Danish products—Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen backed the campaign of the conservative newspaper Jyllands-Posten, which held the cartoons, blasphemous to Islamic sanctities.
With the campaign that antagonizes the Islamic beliefs widening to include Norway, France, and other European countries, the countering Islamic campaign is on its way to include all the Moslem countries without any exception.
Although the official acts of interception remain below the level wanted, the nations that were provoked by this great insult on their sanctities are working on diversifying their options for the confrontation. This begins with demonstrations and the expressing of fury, passing through the comprehensive boycott of the Danish products, to reach in the end more drastic measures that might begin surfacing within the next few days should the wave of the “killer virus” keep spreading throughout the European newspapers.
الجمعة، فبراير 03، 2006
مواجهة التعدي على مشاعر المسلمين تبدأ بالاستنكار ولا تقف عند إجراءات أكثر جذرية
مع توسع حملة التحدي الغربية لمشاعر المسلمين وانتشار فيروس الكاريكاتورات المسيئة للرسول الأعظم محمد صلى الله عليه وآله وسلم إلى أكثر من صحيفة، و"اكتشاف" حالات في دول أخرى غير البلد الحاضن الأول للفيروس ـ أي الدانمارك ـ كان لا بد من تصاعد حملة المكافحة لهذا الخلل الخطير الذي قد يتحول إلى وباء شامل يترك آثاره على الكثير من دول العالم وعلى العلاقات بين دول الشرق والغرب، في حين يكون السبب مجموعة من المجرمين المرتبطين بلا شك بمؤامرة باتت واضحة المعالم.
الخطر الذي تحتضنه الرسوم الكاريكاتورية المسيئة لرسول الله محمد صلى الله عليه وآله يتمثل في كون هذه الرسوم تتحرك تحت عنوان حرية التعبير التي يحافظ عليها الغرب عندما يكون ضحية هذه الحرية فريق ضعيف يعتقد انه مغلوب على أمره، في حين أن الافرقاء الذين يمكلون "أنياباً إعلامية وقانونية وسلطوية" قوية لا يمكن التذرع أمامهم بحرية التعبير، ويبتعد "الأحرار" عنهم حرصاً على السلامة وهروباً من سوء العاقبة.
نتيجة لهذا الواقع يصبح البحث عن "عدالة ما" تحكم علاقة الغرب ـ بتقاسيمه الرسمية والمدنية ـ أمراً خارجاً عن نطاق البحث، لأن الاتكال على عدالة من هذا النوع يدخل في إطار السلبية المطلقة في التعاطي مع الأحداث. وإذا كانت هذه السلبية مسكوت عنها في قضايا كثيرة مرت على الأمة وما زالت تمر، فإن القضية المطروحة حالياً باتت خارج دائرة السكوت لأنها تمس صلب معتقدات المسلمين الذي تشير آخر الإحصائيات أنهم أصبحوا أكثر من مليار وأربعمئة مليون شخص، أي ما يوازي خمس سكان العالم على الأقل.
وهكذا فان عدم القيام بأي رد فعل على هذه الجريمة المتمثلة بنشر الرسوم الكاريكاتورية يساوي السكوت على محو هوية هؤلاء المسلمين الدينية والحضارية، والتهاون في هذا الإطار يؤسس لعلاقة سلبية بالغة السوء بين الإعلام الغربي ومقدسات المسلمين.
ولعلّ هذا الإعلام انكفأ في مرحلة ما عن التعاطي بسلبية مطلقة مع المسلمين إثر الفعل الحاسم الذي قام به الإمام الخميني الراحل رضوان الله تعالى عليه في مواجهة الإساءة التي قام بها الكاتب المرتد سلمان رشدي في أواخر الثمانينات من القرن المنصرم، حيث أدت التوى بارتداده ومن ثم الدعوة إلى قتله إلى اختفائه تماماً عن المسرح الدولي وهدد أي متطاول مثله بفتوى تجعله هو أيضاً في عداد المطاردين والمطرودين من الحياة العامة.
هذا الفعل الخميني، وإن لم يتحول إلى واقع ملموس، فهو وضع المتطاولين أمام مصير يهربون منه، وهكذا خفتت الإساءات المباشرة إلى المقدسات الإسلامية الكبرى، وتحول اهتمام الغربيين ـ وبعض الشرقيين المحسوبين عليهم ـ إلى الإساءة إلى المسلمين بشكل عام، بعيداً عن المسائل الحساسة في معتقداتهم.
إلا أن هذا الكبح الذي مثّلته فتوى الإمام الخميني ومعها الغضبة الإسلامية الكبرى لرسول الله صلى الله عليه وآله، اعترضته الأحداث التي شهدتها امتنا خلال السنوات الماضية والهجمة الشرسة على هذه الأمة منذ تفجيرات الحادي عشر من أيلول/ سبتمبر، حيث وضعت الأمة بمعتقداتها وأشخاصها وأفكارها ودولها في سلة الإرهاب دفعة واحدة دون أي تمييز بين مسلم وآخر.
ولعل قضية الرسوم الكاريكاتورية جاءت بمثابة نقطة الماء الأخيرة التي جعلت الكيل يطفح ويدفع بملايين المسلمين إلى الشوارع ليعبروا عن رفضهم للإساءة إلى مقدساتهم، ووحد هؤلاء المسلمين في حملة مقاطعة شاملة لمنتجات الدانمارك التي وقف رئيس وزرائها أندرس فوغ راسموسن وراء حملة صحيفة يولاند بوستن الكاريكاتورية ضد المقدسات الإسلامية.
ومع توسع الحملة المعادية للمعتقدات الإسلامية لتشمل النروج، ومن ثم فرنسا، وبعدها دول أوروبية أخرى، فان حملة المواجهة الإسلامية تبدو في طريقها لتشمل كل البلاد الإسلامية دون استثناء.
وإذا كانت التحركات الرسمية للمواجهة ما زالت تحت الحد المطلوب، فإن الشعوب التي استفزتها هذه الإهانة الكبرى لمقدساتها تعمل على تنويع خيارات المواجهة، ابتداء من التظاهر والتعبير عن السخط والاستياء مروراً بالمقاطعة الاقتصادية الشاملة للمنتجات الدانماركية ـ وما يليها ـ وصولاً إلى إجراءات أكثر جذرية قد تبدأ بالبروز في الأيام المقبلة في حال استمرت موجة انتشار "الفيروس القاتل" بين الصحف الأوروبية.
محمود ريا
Aoun’s Quest for 3rd Way (The Impossible):Antagonizing Loyalists & Harmonizing with Protestors
By Mahmoud Raya
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“There will be no war as long as those who can cause it do not want it.”
After reiterating this rule from more than one political and informative platform, Michel Aoun recently uttered a different conspicuous phrase, “… But the situation is critical; and there are parties inside the government that push the situation in the direction of explosion and they are inciting for war. On the other hand, those outside the government are the ones who are preventing this war.”
The Free Patriotic Movement is trying to take a “third way” on the domestic arena. It is declaring through its stances, movements, and meetings, that it is exerting efforts to expand threads of dialogue with everyone in a way where no one will regard it as siding with this or that trend, or even backing a certain viewpoint while ignoring other viewpoints hat are reacting the level of confliction on the arena. Will Aoun and his movement succeed in their quest?
Some observers of the current events are saying that Aoun trend could not in any case find a way out of the complexity of antagonism towards the loyalists’ current in Lebanon. This antagonism is based on two major constants that cannot be ignored or ridiculed:
The first constant is represented by the vicious competition, which is loaded with unforgettable historic moments against the Lebanese Forces that represent today one of the “pillars” of the governing coalition that includes Future current and Junblat-led Democratic assembly.
The troubles that take place everyday between the two parties in more than one region, university, school and neighborhood are too big to be hidden from the media that tells part of what is occurring. Meanwhile, the larger portion of the events is being “obscured” from the media to prevent further tension that may lead to explosion.
The problem in the competition between the Free Patriotic Movement and the Lebanese Forces lies in the fact that it does not stop at the boundaries of the present reality. Instead, it obtains its strength from a bloody history, times when blood poured on the Lebanese land like no other battle. This fact steers forward towards an unperceivable future as long as these two currents “monopolize” to a great extent the Christian representation in Mount Lebanon.
The second constant that incites Aoun antagonism towards the ruling loyalists is represented by the movement’s rejection in “joining” these loyalists on the basis of maintaining the decision under the control of the other party. Aoun leadership stressed continuously that it has been invited to this issue. In other words, what the movement must do in reaching an understanding with the “majority” is that it must obey the decision of this majority without solving any of the problems that established the past state of antagonism, such as: the parliamentary elections which snatched the complete victory from the movement in the mountain and north; discussing the formation of a government where it was suggested that Aoun current would be granted some of the marginal ministries without any participation in the decision making; and lastly the violent opposition through which the name of Brigadier Michel Aoun will be proposed for the presidency. One must not forget “tsunami” and the statements that targeted Aoun current. The intensity of such statements did not ease even during the stage of the “majority” appeasement towards Aoun current, as an act of executing the will of the US embassy in Awkar.
Therefore, it seems that the US embassy efforts in gathering the forces of March 14 were blown to the wind, especially after Aoun himself declared his rejection of the proposals of some people, which aim to form a front in order to execute the remaining issues of resolution 1559.
Why does Aoun refuse the formation of a front to execute this resolution for which he exerted efforts as he confirmed repeatedly?
The general of Rabye answered this question himself by saying he will not accept “but the suggestion of a circle of dialogue that will lead to an acceptable and honorable solution for all the parties.”
For what kind of dialogue is brigadier Aoun calling while great initiatives on a regional level were unable until now to infiltrate the state of the American rejection, which would lead the Lebanese parties to harmony regarding the disputed causes?
This call seems like declaration of a fundamental stance, more than being a real roadmap towards a solution. This issue renders general Aoun face the dilemma of choosing between staying completely neutral in the current conflict or “fully coordinate” with the other party of the Lebanese equation, which is Hizbullah and Amal movement, despite the continuing misunderstanding regarding a number of causes.
The equation seems difficult. But one must observe the presence of the two MPs of the Reform and Change bloc, Mr. Salim Aoun and Mr. Abbas Hashim, who attended the ceremony in honoring the graduates of the educational recruitment of Hizbullah. There is also Aoun’s speech himself about the past case of the foreign hostages in Lebanon, where he regarded that “they were not angels, but they were spies holding diplomatic or academic ranks,” with his confirmation to solve the issue of the resistance arms internally.
All these facts tell us that the Free Patriotic Movement is fully aware of its actions and is making its moves with accuracy, especially with the approaching entitlements that concern above all Aoun current itself. On top of these entitlements are the by-elections that will take place in Baabda-Aley.
Does this mean that Aoun current has concluded its choices on the practical field but with preserving the image of neutrality in the media regarding the pulls back and forth on the Lebanese arena?
The answer to this question lurks in the choices which Aoun current will propose to exit the crisis which Lebanon encounters. It is represented by the formation of a government of national consensus, or by conducting early elections. Only the coalition of Amal-Hizbullah agrees with it regarding this issue. Meanwhile, they are facing a heavy fire, which “aims to kill,” from the currents of the loyalists with all of their stratums.
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“There will be no war as long as those who can cause it do not want it.”
After reiterating this rule from more than one political and informative platform, Michel Aoun recently uttered a different conspicuous phrase, “… But the situation is critical; and there are parties inside the government that push the situation in the direction of explosion and they are inciting for war. On the other hand, those outside the government are the ones who are preventing this war.”
The Free Patriotic Movement is trying to take a “third way” on the domestic arena. It is declaring through its stances, movements, and meetings, that it is exerting efforts to expand threads of dialogue with everyone in a way where no one will regard it as siding with this or that trend, or even backing a certain viewpoint while ignoring other viewpoints hat are reacting the level of confliction on the arena. Will Aoun and his movement succeed in their quest?
Some observers of the current events are saying that Aoun trend could not in any case find a way out of the complexity of antagonism towards the loyalists’ current in Lebanon. This antagonism is based on two major constants that cannot be ignored or ridiculed:
The first constant is represented by the vicious competition, which is loaded with unforgettable historic moments against the Lebanese Forces that represent today one of the “pillars” of the governing coalition that includes Future current and Junblat-led Democratic assembly.
The troubles that take place everyday between the two parties in more than one region, university, school and neighborhood are too big to be hidden from the media that tells part of what is occurring. Meanwhile, the larger portion of the events is being “obscured” from the media to prevent further tension that may lead to explosion.
The problem in the competition between the Free Patriotic Movement and the Lebanese Forces lies in the fact that it does not stop at the boundaries of the present reality. Instead, it obtains its strength from a bloody history, times when blood poured on the Lebanese land like no other battle. This fact steers forward towards an unperceivable future as long as these two currents “monopolize” to a great extent the Christian representation in Mount Lebanon.
The second constant that incites Aoun antagonism towards the ruling loyalists is represented by the movement’s rejection in “joining” these loyalists on the basis of maintaining the decision under the control of the other party. Aoun leadership stressed continuously that it has been invited to this issue. In other words, what the movement must do in reaching an understanding with the “majority” is that it must obey the decision of this majority without solving any of the problems that established the past state of antagonism, such as: the parliamentary elections which snatched the complete victory from the movement in the mountain and north; discussing the formation of a government where it was suggested that Aoun current would be granted some of the marginal ministries without any participation in the decision making; and lastly the violent opposition through which the name of Brigadier Michel Aoun will be proposed for the presidency. One must not forget “tsunami” and the statements that targeted Aoun current. The intensity of such statements did not ease even during the stage of the “majority” appeasement towards Aoun current, as an act of executing the will of the US embassy in Awkar.
Therefore, it seems that the US embassy efforts in gathering the forces of March 14 were blown to the wind, especially after Aoun himself declared his rejection of the proposals of some people, which aim to form a front in order to execute the remaining issues of resolution 1559.
Why does Aoun refuse the formation of a front to execute this resolution for which he exerted efforts as he confirmed repeatedly?
The general of Rabye answered this question himself by saying he will not accept “but the suggestion of a circle of dialogue that will lead to an acceptable and honorable solution for all the parties.”
For what kind of dialogue is brigadier Aoun calling while great initiatives on a regional level were unable until now to infiltrate the state of the American rejection, which would lead the Lebanese parties to harmony regarding the disputed causes?
This call seems like declaration of a fundamental stance, more than being a real roadmap towards a solution. This issue renders general Aoun face the dilemma of choosing between staying completely neutral in the current conflict or “fully coordinate” with the other party of the Lebanese equation, which is Hizbullah and Amal movement, despite the continuing misunderstanding regarding a number of causes.
The equation seems difficult. But one must observe the presence of the two MPs of the Reform and Change bloc, Mr. Salim Aoun and Mr. Abbas Hashim, who attended the ceremony in honoring the graduates of the educational recruitment of Hizbullah. There is also Aoun’s speech himself about the past case of the foreign hostages in Lebanon, where he regarded that “they were not angels, but they were spies holding diplomatic or academic ranks,” with his confirmation to solve the issue of the resistance arms internally.
All these facts tell us that the Free Patriotic Movement is fully aware of its actions and is making its moves with accuracy, especially with the approaching entitlements that concern above all Aoun current itself. On top of these entitlements are the by-elections that will take place in Baabda-Aley.
Does this mean that Aoun current has concluded its choices on the practical field but with preserving the image of neutrality in the media regarding the pulls back and forth on the Lebanese arena?
The answer to this question lurks in the choices which Aoun current will propose to exit the crisis which Lebanon encounters. It is represented by the formation of a government of national consensus, or by conducting early elections. Only the coalition of Amal-Hizbullah agrees with it regarding this issue. Meanwhile, they are facing a heavy fire, which “aims to kill,” from the currents of the loyalists with all of their stratums.
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